International Studies Quarterly
Volume 45, Issue 3
September 2001
|
Strategies |
|
|
|
|
Economic deprivation of the province is the primary cause of problems. However, the SDLP has had much success in bringing in money to address the issue. | Irish still suffer from cultural deprivation; main focus on injustice here though is the way the British are treating republicans vis-a-vis peace talks. Republicans have demonstrated their public support in the past and must do so again to show the British they have a right to sit at the table. |
|
|
Use of this strategy decreases as SF/Adams have become allies in the effort to hold talks; instead of 1980s focus on “men of violence” as enemies, qualitative change in reaction in Canary Wharf—promotes non-violent SDLP view more than condemns perpetrators. Instead of enemy, focused on allies, especially Irish diaspora and US government. | Adams dramatically decreased use of this strategy in 1996. Greatest enemy depicted here is the British, because of their intransigence. Like Hume, there was more emphasis than before on allies, especially US actors. |
|
|
Still, negotiation is the only way out (Governance Positive); working with the international community is the best way to address the economic and political problems. | Here there is a dramatic shift to calling for negotiations; also some negative governance strategies as Adams condemns the behavior of British toward negotiations. |
|
|
History should teach lessons not show us that we have to redeem the Irish martyrs (same as earlier). | Continues connecting plight of republicans now to martyrs of the past but gives more recognition to the idea that protestants too have had a sad history because of the conflict. |
|
|
Increased use of European identity; more uses of “Irish” identity. Recognizes unionists have a right to their allegiance to British but this doesn’t mean they can’t share other allegiances with nationalists (EC analogy). | Similar use of ingroup labels as earlier, especially Irish dimension. Refers to protestants as “Irish of a different tradition,” essentially denying their allegiance to Britain, calling them unionists less often. |
|
Passages |
“In the first ever statement on our (NI) problem by an American
President, Jimmy Carter in conjunction with our good friends Senators Kennedy
and Moynihan, Speaker Tip O’Neill and Governor Hugh Carey urged the British
and Irish Governments to work together to solve our underlying problem
and offered economic assistance if they did so….the International Fund
for Ireland has already created some 25,000 jobs in Northern Ireland.
Now President Clinton has put our problem at the top of his agenda throughout
his Presidency, fully supported by Senate and Congress and will shortly
be visiting our part of the world…and gives a powerful injection of hope
and encouragement to the continuing peace process.” (1995)
“…We will be working to build an economy, to tackle and solve our serious
unemployment problem and to provide a decent standard of living for all
of our people. In doing this we shall make the very positive use
of the international contacts that we have been building in both Europe
and the United States in order to create jobs by seeking inward investment…”(1998)
|
“Everyone has a solemn duty to change the political climate
away from conflict and towards a process of national reconciliation, which
sees the peaceful accommodation of the differences between the people of
Britain and Ireland and the Irish people themselves.”(b)
“…We who carry so much pain must not allow our hurt make us insensitive to the hurt and pain of the unionists. We must make it clear that we have no wish to dominate them…Our vision compels us to build a bridge into the hearts and minds of those who we once described as our enemy.” (1998) “…There is a common need: to recognise the integrity of the other; to be at peace with each other; to understand the way we have hurt one another; to listen to one another; to find our common ground; to celebrate our difference as diversity.” (1998) “Dialogue and negotiations is the only way to resolve conflict. It was dialogue, between Sinn Fein, John Hume, the Irish Government and Irish America which worked in August ’94…So what is a viable peace process? It clearly has to be inclusive. Excluding people won’t work.” (1996) “International assistance is required to tilt the balance of possibilities towards the democratic conclusion. In particular this means Irish-America and the US administration. Equally important is political and popular opinion in Britain itself and this is one area about which our party needs to develop thoughtful strategies similar to our US initiatives.” (1996) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Summary of Individual Strategies and Representative Passages, 1982-83 and 1986-87 |